Learning from the past: One-hundred and twenty longshore division members attended a 6-day History and Traditions conference to learn lessons from ILWU history and apply them to current struggles.
One-hundred and twenty lucky ILWU Longshore Division members attended an intensive 6-day “History and Traditions Conference” in San Francisco on December 1-6. The event was planned by the ILWU Coast Longshore Division’s Education Committee and featured a host of outside experts who joined ILWU officers and leaders for the jam-packed agenda.
Knowing the history
The event opened with remarks from ILWU International President Bob McEllrath who welcomed participants and urged them to learn more about the union’s history in order to be better prepared for the future. “We’re facing some big fights and need all hands on deck,” said McEllrath. After just 20 minutes of preliminaries, the Conference quickly got down to business and involved all participants in an exercise, led by Local 63 member Patricia Aguirre who chairs the ILWU Longshore Education Committee.
Exercise reveals unity
Aguirre said a central goal of the Conference would be to gather lessons from the union’s history – and apply them to current challenges, including the upcoming negotiations for the new Longshore and Clerk Contract that expires on July 1, 2014. With participants divided into a dozen small discussion groups, Aguirre asked each team to rank the various factors that would be essential for building union power and winning a good contract in 2014. The conference room exploded in animated discussion as members at each table debated the relative importance of many factors that could make the union stronger – and a better contract more likely. While some differences were noted between the groups, a consensus quickly developed around ranking the top three factors needed to build a strong union and win good contracts in 2014:
1. Support and solidarity of Longshore workers.
2. Well informed workforce who knows their contract.
3. Strength & support from community allies.
History lessons
Day two began with comments and context from Coast Committeeman Leal Sundet who reviewed the extensive materials provided to all participants, including three books: “Solidarity Stories, An Oral History of the ILWU” by Harvey Schwartz; “Reviving the Strike” by Joe Burns; and Richard Brisbin’s “A Strike Like No Other Strike: Law and Resistance During the Pittston Coal Strike of 1989-1990.” Other materials were distributed throughout the week “I think you’ll see a clear pattern if you read these materials and listen to the speakers,” said Sundet. “The labor laws in this country, along with the courts and agencies like the National Labor Relations Board, are not our friends. They’re all working to limit what workers and unions can do, while protecting business and commerce so they can operate as freely as possible.”
West Coast longshore history was the focus for the remainder of the day, with the topic divided into three periods (up to 1934, the 1934 strike, and post-1934), each featuring a noted labor history expert.
Early longshoring
Retired San Francisco State University History Professor Robert Cherny provided an overview of West Coast longshoring from 1848 to 1934. He emphasized the role of the Gold Rush in launching San Francisco’s status as the top West Coast port for 70 years until being eclipsed by Los Angeles in the 1920’s. Cherny provided interesting statistics, including the fact that 83% of San Francisco Longshore workers in the 1920’s were either immigrants or born to immigrant families. He also surveyed developments at other ports, including Los Angeles, which was a sleepy backwater until 1899 when millions in federal dollars helped build San Pedro’s breakwater that transformed the Port.
In Portland and Tacoma, the lumber boom and growing agricultural exports fueled the rise of their ports, eclipsed by the Port of Seattle in the 1890’s which grew rapidly by serving as a staging point for the massive Klondike Gold Rush.
First Longshore unions
Cherny used the bulk of his time to explain the lengthy and difficult effort by longshore workers to improve conditions on the waterfront. The first effort to organize longshore unions on the West Coast was undertaken in 1853 by San Francisco’s “Riggers and Stevedores” (terms used at the time to encompass longshore work). Twenty-five years later, Portland workers formed their own union of “Stevedores, Longshoremen and Riggers” in 1878. Eight years later, workers in Seattle and Tacoma formed similar unions. A “National Longshoremen’s Union” was formed by workers on the Great Lakes in 1892, winning a nationwide charter from the American Federation of Labor (AFL). They renamed themselves two years later as the International Longshoreman’s Association (ILA) and quickly chartered new West Coast locals, beginning with I.L.A. Local 38 in Everett, WA. By 1902, there were 16 ports with ILA locals along the West Coast.
Limited success & decline
Each local union was limited to a contract covering only their port, which made workers vulnerable to “whipsawing” by employers who sought to pit workers against each other in order to drive down wages. Sporadic strikes at individual ports occurred in the early 1900’s. The first efforts to coordinate “coastwise” strikes happened in 1916 and failed. The First World War began in 1914 and ended in 1918, with the U.S. entering the fray in 1917. Union officials at the AFL were swept up in a patriotic fervor – discouraging strikes and encouraging union members to enlist.
Labor organizing continued among Longshore workers who attempted more strikes in 1919 and 1921 that failed. General strikes were also attempted in Seattle and Helena, Montana, but a conservative mood followed the war, climaxing with raids against immigrant militant union leaders, including members of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and those inspired by Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 that called for factories to be run by worker-run councils.
The combination of government and employer repression, along with post-war economic prosperity, left most unions – including maritime unions –weak and disorganized. Most fell apart or barely managed to survive during the 1920’s. Working conditions deteriorated, with stagnant wages and hazardous work that disabled an average of 5 workers per eight-hour shifts involving 2,000 men in San Francisco. Professor Cherny concluded his talk by explaining how the 1929 Great Depression set the stage for a resurgence of militant organizing that eventually turned the tide and gave rise to the ILWU.
Resurgence & triumph
ILWU Librarian and Archivist Robin Walker chronicled the successful effort by Longshore and other maritime workers to organize a coastwise strike and contract fight in 1934 that secured a uniform coastwise contract with jointly managed dispatch halls.
While emphasizing the central role played by workers who joined in a nationwide upsurge of militant union organizing during the early 1930’s, Walker also emphasized the critical importance of new legislation enacted during the early Depression years.
Pro-worker laws
The Norris-LaGuardia Act passed by Congress in 1932, prohibited employers from using court injunctions to ban strikes, and outlawed “yellow” or “fink unions” controlled by employers. Franklin Roosevelt’s National Industrial Recovery Act passed in 1933 included Section 7(a) that protected the right of workers to organize, negotiate with employers and strike. Both laws passed in response to the economic chaos of the early Depression, and massive, militant protests by unemployed workers who demanded jobs.
1934 waterfront strike
Despite the new laws, the 1934 West Coast maritime strike was an immense struggle, with employers using the same brutal strategies to defeat previous union efforts by Longshore workers. Employers hired strikebreakers, private police, goons and spies. Massive advertising campaigns attempted to smear strikers and confuse the public. Employer-friendly politicians were mobilized against the union. Municipal police forces attacked strikers at every port, often coordinating efforts with company thugs and anti-union vigilante committees.
Following the death of seven strikers and supporters, a general strike in San Francisco, and massive resistance at ports up and down the coast, employers finally agreed to meet most of the union demands, including recognition of the new Longshore union, a single contract with uniform standards for all West Coast U.S. ports, jointly-managed dispatch halls, wage increases, limitations on hours and better working conditions.
New organizing, new laws
In addition to creating a union that would eventually become the ILWU, the West Coast strike helped pressure Roosevelt and Congress to pass the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) in 1935 that guaranteed the right of workers to form unions, negotiate contracts and take action. Roosevelt made a point of signing the NLRA exactly one year after Bloody Thursday, on July 5, 1935, in Tacoma, Washington.
The West Coast waterfront strike helped trigger massive union organizing campaigns throughout the U.S. The impact was boosted by other dramatic labor actions in 1934 including a general strike in Minneapolis led by radical Teamsters and a bloody strike at the Auto-Lite plant in Toledo that killed two workers and injured 200. In the years following their waterfront victory, Longshore workers reached out to help organize warehouse and factory workers near the docks, a move that would become known to ILWU members as “The March Inland.”
How laws shaped unions
San Francisco State University Professor John Logan provided an important perspective on how labor laws shaped union behavior and possibilities. Logan noted that before pro-labor laws were passed in the 1930’s, unions faced brutal repression from employers. He said that new labor laws passed in 1932, 1933 and 1935 were one factor that led to a dramatic rise in union membership and re-shaped American politics for decades that followed.
Workers forced the law
But in addition to new laws, Professor Logan emphasized the importance to militant mass labor organizing led by activists who believed in “organizing the unorganized” and empowering the working class. Thousands of dedicated activists helped organize millions of union members during the 1930’s and through World War II. It was the fear of these militant mass actions that forced politicians – led by President Franklin Roosevelt – to pass pro-labor laws.
During the Second World War, unions including the ILWU agreed to moderate demands and curtail strikes in order to support the national cause of defeating fascism in Germany and Japan. The governments of the U.S. and Britain also established a wary but formal alliance with the Soviet Union in order to defeat fascism.
Post war reversal
After the war, political opinion in the U.S. shifted quickly against unions. The alliance with the Soviet Union was replaced with a “Cold War” waged against former Soviet allies. Labor unions – particularly those with leftist leaders like Harry Bridges – came under fierce attack. Anti-Communist crusades were led by Congressmen Joseph McCarthy, Richard Nixon and hundreds of other national and local politicians in both parties. Witch hunts were launched to expose “Reds” teaching in schools, working in government offices, acting or writing in Hollywood or employed by private industry.
The FBI monitored and harassed millions of Americans, including many ILWU members, who were suspected of being “un-American.” The horrors of Joseph Stalin’s reign of terror in Russia confirmed the\ public’s worst fears about the Soviet Union and discredited radicals who had staked their hopes and dreams on a belief that the Soviet Union was a worker friendly alternative to U.S. capitalism.
Backlash
When the ILWU and other union members tried to gain ground through strikes after the war ended, they encountered hostile politicians and a not-so friendly public. President Truman set the tone early after the war by ordering the U.S. Army to break a railroad strike in 1946. Industrial leaders pushed hard for legislation to restrict union power, portraying unions and strikes as dangerous threats to American democracy. Special hostility was directed at unions with left-wing leaders, such as the ILWU, which had refused to purge its ranks of activists. The ILWU left the CIO in 1950 to avoid expulsion.
Taft-Hartley repression
It was in this context that Professor Logan explained details of the anti-worker Taft-Hartley Act, that was passed by Congress in 1947, which:
- Outlawed strikes intended to establish union jurisdiction.
- Outlawed wildcat strikes (unsanctioned actions by union members).
- Outlawed strikes over political issues that concerned union members and the public.
- Outlawed “secondary” boycotts and picketing.
- Outlawed mass pickets so employers could more easily employ strikebreakers.
- Outlawed union shops so that union membership became optional.
- Outlawed donations of union funds to support pro-workers candidates. The Taft-Hartley Act also restricted many rights granted just 12 years earlier by the 1935 National Labor Relations Act:
- Taft-Hartley allowed unions to be charged with “Unfair Labor Practice” violations.
- Taft-Hartley required unions to provide 80-day notices before holding economic strikes.
- Taft-Hartley prohibited federal employees from striking.
- Taft-Hartley allowed individual states to adopt their own anti-union laws and restrictions.
- • Taft-Hartley granted the President new rights to break strikes with court injunctions.
- Taft-Hartley allowed employers to sue unions for damages from “secondary” boycotts.
Despite union opposition, the growing right-wing tide and power of big business made Taft-Hartley impossible to stop. In 1948, the ILWU and a few other unions backed a third party led by Henry Wallace. It was hoped that the “Progressive Party” could rally union members and working class support, but the effort failed miserably; winning no electoral votes and only 2.7% of the popular vote – mostly from New York.
Longshore courage in 1948
Amidst this seemingly hopeless political situation, ILWU Longshore workers dared to confront their aggressive maritime employers and hostile politicians in 1948 by challenging provisions of the new Taft-Hartley legislation and organizing a bold strike.
The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) decided to impose a new provision of Taft-Hartley on ILWU members that required workers to vote on the employers’ “last, best and final” contract offer. When longshore employers issued their “last, best and final offer,” Longshore Caucus delegates recommended that members boycott the election proceedings.
In a remarkable show of solidarity, not a single one of the 26,965 members cast a ballot. Employers responded to the standoff by announcing there was one issue that must be addressed, which they said was “Communist leadership in the ILWU.” Again, members refused to be divided and launched a strike effort that lasted 95 days. When it was over, the ILWU’s unity prevailed, and employers agreed to back-down and accept a contract with better terms for workers.
Mine worker solidarity
A similar story of courageous union members overcoming powerful employers and Taft-Hartley restrictions was told by retired professor Richard Brisbin of West Virginia University. He explained how the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA), like the ILWU, had been built on militant struggles during the 1930’s, when the union was led by President John L. Lewis who also founded the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) that launched massive union organizing efforts in the 1930’s. Lewis and his team of radical organizers formed the CIO – with immediate support from Harry Bridges – because the labor establishment in the American Federation of Labor (AFL) was refusing to organize millions of industrial workers who weren’t wanted by narrow craft unions.
Like Bridges, John L. Lewis remained in office four decades, was respected within his union and became notorious for making alliances with Communists, and a willingness to confront employers with militant strikes.
Fighting corruption
When Lewis left the leadership in the 1960’s, a period of corruption ensued, leading to the 1969 murder of union reformer Jock Yablonski who’s killing was ordered by UMWA incumbent President Tony Boyle. Reformers eventually won control of their union and led a series of militant strikes.
Striking Pittston Coal
One of the most famous battles was the 1989 strike against the Pittston Coal Company, triggered when the company dropped out of the coal employers association, then refused to pay pension and health payments covering 1500 retired miners, widows and disabled miners. Pittston warned employees they would be replaced if there was a strike, so miners remained on the job without a contract for another 16 months, before finally striking in April of 1990. UMWA members established a “Camp Solidarity” outpost that accommodated up to 2,000 miners and supporters; built a network of
40,000 workers who engaged in wildcat strikes, actively involved family members including a group of 500 militant women, and conducted a series of dramatic actions – including the non-violent occupations of Pittston properties and road blockades – all of which eventually forced the company to settle, sign a contract and resume paying health and welfare benefits. The struggle also generated millions in legal fees and court fines, most of which stemmed from violating court injunctions, many related to the Taft-Hartley Act. The union was eventually successful in reducing some, but not all, of the court fines.
How the ILWU works
Ray Familathe, International Vice President (Mainland), walked participants through a detailed explanation of the ILWU’s current structure. Familathe noted some new developments, including the addition of a Panama Canal Division.
Information about the non-longshore aspects of the ILWU were provided by ILWU historian Harvey Schwartz, who curates the Oral History Collection at the ILWU library. Joining Schwartz was Local 8 member Adam Wetzel.
The ILWU experience in Hawaii, Canada and Alaska was also covered in the conference. ILWU International Vice President (Hawaii) Wesley Furtado provided a detailed overview of past organizing and current struggles by non-longshore workers living in the Hawaiian Islands. He covered the dramatic political changes that resulted from ILWU efforts to organize pineapple and sugarcane workers in the past, and current efforts to organize tourism, service and retail workers on the island.
“The ILWU helped ease the transition from plantations to tourism where the ILWU is fighting for good union jobs,” said Furtado. ILWU Canada President Mark Gordienko hoped to attend the Conference but was unable to join due to a scheduling conflict. Gordienko prepared a letter expressing fraternal greetings to conference participants on behalf of the members of ILWU Canada. A three-page history of ILWU Canada, prepared by Local 500 pensioner Dave Lomas was also distributed.
ILWU Alaska President Chuck Wendt was on hand to present a summary of the challenges and opportunities facing union members in the 49th State. His overview covered ILWU activities from the southern part of the state in the nation, to the ILWU presence in Dutch Harbor, a rugged fishing town situated in the remote Aleutian Islands chain.
ILWU Coast Committeeman Ray Ortiz, Jr., explained “How the ILWU Longshore Division Works,” explaining the various committees and procedures. Local 94 President Danny Miranda explained the historical and present-day status of Walking Bosses and Foremen in the ILWU.
Safety & health
Longshore Division Safety Committee Chair Tim Podue and Safety Committee member Adrian Diaz joined with Local 91 President Fred Gilliam, Local 13 member Alberto Bonilla and Local 10 President Mike Villeggiante, to explain the history of the Pacific Coast Marine Safety Code. The presentation and discussion covered the ILWU’s efforts to reduce hazards and risks on the job, and their Committee’s involvement with federal and state rulemaking and enforcement agencies.
Contract history
A discussion of the historical development and evolution of the Longshore and Clerk Contract was presented by Local 4’s Brad Clark, and Local 19’s Rich Austin, Jr. who Co-Chairs the Division’s Grain Negotiating Committee.
Court injunctions
A panel composed of ILWU Librarian and Archivist Robin Walker, with ILWU attorneys Rob Remar and Rob Lavitt, explained how ILWU Longshore Division members were hit hard with federal court injunctions under the Taft Hartley Act soon after the new law was passed in 1947. Injunctions were imposed during the 1948 Longshore strike that lasted 95 days. Longshore workers in that strike managed to protect their jointly-managed dispatch halls and raise wages despite efforts by employers and the government to crush the ILWU with Taft-Hartley. The government also used Taft-Hartley in 2002 and 2008.
Longshore Jurisdiction
A panel moderated by Kirsten Donovan, Coast Longshore Division Director of Contract Administration and Arbitration, provided a detailed discussion of efforts to protect Longshore Division jurisdiction under a set of challenging labor laws, including the National Labor Relations Act, subsequently modified by the Taft-Hartley Act. The labor laws are being used by employers on a daily basis to attack ILWU members and their union. Coast Committeeman Leal Sundet discussed the Contracts’ Maintenance and Repair (M&R) provisions.
Attorney Rob Remar discussed the ILWU’s struggle with International Container Terminal Services Inc., (ICTSI), the rogue Philippine-based employer who operates Terminal 6 at the Port of Portland. Although ICTSI is a PMA employer, they have openly defied the Longshore Contract.
Attorney Eleanor Morton discussed jurisdictional challenges in Southern California. Attorney Rob Lavitt discussed how the rogue grain companies, Marubeni/Columbia and Mitsui/United, are using federal labor laws to secure court injunctions that limit the right of union members to picket barges transporting the company’ s grain on the Columbia River, while the illegal lockout continues against ILWU grain workers.
Welfare Plan history
Coast Benefits Specialist John Castanho, with attorneys Chris Hwang and Peter Saltzman, provided an extensive history of the union’s effort to improve health benefits to Longshore members over the past 64 years. Castanho traced the progression of an innovative but modest plan that began in 1949 – to the comprehensive services provided under today’s plan.
Pensioner power
President Rich Austin, Sr., of the Pacific Coast Pensions’ Association (PCPA), closed the 5th day of the conference by delivering an address that explained the historical role played by the PCPA – an organization of retired Longshore Division activists who evolved from a small group in 1968 to the dozen chapters in today’s network. Austin also noted that ILWU Canada has two Longshore pensioner clubs.
After citing examples of the PCPA’s work to promote domestic and international labor solidarity, holding the PMA accountable for maintaining quality health benefits, and supporting the ILWU’s organizing and political action efforts, Austin concluded by citing a motion passed at the 2013 Pacific Coast Pensioners Association to “…do all we can\ to help win a good contract in 2014.”
Political Action
ILWU International Secretary Treasurer Willie Adams joined ILWU Legislative Director Lindsay McLaughlin to kick-off the 5th day of the History and Traditions Conference. Adams emphasized the ILWU’s rank-and-file culture and need to support politicians who understand the union’s concerns and are willing to fight for working class issues. Adams told of a recent trip to Washington he led with Longshore Legislative Committee Chair Max Vekich, Jr. of Local 52, Local 8 President Jeff Smith, Local 19 member Dan McKisson and Grain Negotiating Committee Co-Chair Rich Austin, Jr. of Local 19.
They met with administration officials and members of Congress about the lockout by rogue grain companies Marubeni/Columbia and Mitsui/United. Adams said the upcoming Longshore Contract negotiations are a time when the union will need help from politicians in Washington who share our concerns, and he urged everyone to consider contributing to the ILWU Political Action Fund. Legislative Director Lindsay McLaughlin explained the difficulty of working with members of Congress, where worker-friendly legislation has been blocked by an extreme group of anti-union Republicans in the House of Representatives. McLaughlin outlined the union’s continuing effort to address problems with port security and Transportation Worker Identification Credential (TWIC) cards, and the latest efforts to address the grain lockout.
International Solidarity
International President (Mainland) Ray Familathe introduced a special guest who came to the conference from London; Sharon James, Dockers Section Secretary of the International Transport Workers Federation. She provided a compelling overview of the global struggle by dockworkers against powerful international employers. James noted the similar strategic pattern employed by the handful of companies who control the world’s terminal operations. She said that companies are privatizing public ports, outsourcing labor or seeking “individual contracts” with workers to bypass unions, and investing heavily in automation systems.
James said the challenge is for docker unions to coordinate, share as much information as possible, and use the power of solidarity to take on the global employers. Vice President Familathe reinforced her comments and said that the ILWU will continue practicing international solidarity, not just to help other unions, but because it benefits the ILWU as well.
Reviving the strike
Joe Burns, veteran union negotiator, labor lawyer and author of the book, “Reviving the Strike: How Working People Can Regain Power and Transform America,” spoke at the Conference. Burns said workers and unions won’t recover from their current position of weakness without organizing bold, powerful strikes that can bring industries to a halt; just like unions did in the 1930’s until the early\ 1960’s. He praised the ILWU’s willingness to battle powerful employers. He believes that unions aren’t likely to survive in their present form by relying on political contributions, lobbying and contract negotiations that approach employers from a position of weakness.
Organizing to win
The remainder of days five and six were spent exploring new skills and approaches to increase unity among Longshore Division members as the battle for a new contract looms ahead in the summer of 2014. The last session on day five was led by the team of Patricia Aguirre, Chair of the Longshore Education Committee and Teresa Conrow, longtime labor organizer and educator. Their presentation focused on a comparing and contrasting two different approaches to unionism which they described as “servicing versus organizing.” Through a host of examples including contract negotiations, health and safety, legislative action and education, participants were asked to consider the strengths and weaknesses of solving problems by organizing or servicing. The conclusion didn’t require participants to choose one or the other approach; it asked everyone to suggest an ideal balance that combined the best of both approaches.
Communication
The last day began with a presentation by Coast Communications Director Jennifer Sargent, who delivered a presentation that compared traditional union communication methods (union meetings, newspapers, letters, flyers) with the challenges posed by new forms of social media (websites, Twitter, FaceBook). She emphasized the problems that can arise when well-intentioned members communicate using social media – without realizing that their communication is easily monitored by employers and the government. Sargent urged participants to carefully consider the impact of what they share online – before hitting the “send button” – by imagining how the information could be used against the union by employers and government agencies, including the National Labor Relations Board.
Looking ahead
The final exercise at the History and Traditions Conference was led by the team of Patricia Aguirre and Teresa Conrow, who asked everyone to consider the advantages of building a “member-to- member” communication network in each Longshore local. They started by posing a question: “Are the largest group of co-workers in your union involved, not involved or anti-union?” Most participants agreed that the largest group of workers were the ones who aren’t actively involved. Aguirre and Conrow noted this was typical of most unions, and suggested that a “one-on-one” or “member-to-member” approach was the best way to reach and involve this group.
Before the session ended, most participants filled out a form with the names of co-workers they could invite to get more involved. A series of educational events was suggested, where less-involved members to could attend and feel welcome.
“The key to building the network is personal conversations with members that have us listen to their concerns and urge them to get more involved in something they care about,” said Aguirre. Concluding remarks for the Conference were delivered by ILWU Vice President (Mainland) Ray Familathe, who thanked everyone for spending six days together to learn about the ILWU’s history and traditions. “Let’s go back and put what we’ve learned into action,” said Familathe who recognized and thanked the Coast Education Committee and staff for organizing the event.